The impact of privatization of solid waste collection and transportation in Delhi: the impact on the informal recycling sector
l impact of Privatisation of Solid Waste collection and transportation in Delhi: the impact on the informal recycling sector
Background
Since the late 1990s, two important public interest litigations have been filed in the Supreme Court, the highest court of India. Greater demand for surrender accounts of the municipality for cleaner cities. The first BL Vadhera Vs Union of India, led to several court orders, including personal appearances Senior Officials of the Court and the rules have been created for hospital waste. The second case, Almitra Patel vs. The Union of India, has led to rules that are made for waste urban solid. The case also focused on technology as a primary solution to a cleaner country.
Apart from their individual results, these two cases resulted in great pressure on local authorities to do their jobs more efficiently. The media reported deeply procedure and often mocked the failure to comply with the municipal court rules and demanding public.
pressure and continuous judicial unsuccessful attempts to clean the city was an important reason for the municipalities in Delhi to seek privatization as an opportunity to respond to court. Subhash Chopra, vocal member of the Delhi Legislative Assembly has declared that "the privatization of garbage collection and disposal will be for the city. The MDC has been a total failure, in this regard. "
Other Roads Privatization
Another reason was the change in one's position as the capital of New Delhi an increasingly important actor in the global economy. The Masterplan 2021 includes many new features that are aimed at international conferences, entertainment etc. The problem of waste management and remains a dirty city environmental and visual impairment for the new city. Legislation which encourages investment in services and various developing countries seeking to privatize the management of waste, Delhi were encouraged to do the same, as part of their search to become what is often described as a "city world class. "
Another important reason was the Commonwealth Games to be held in 2009 in Delhi. The leader of the Parliament of Delhi describes need, "All these measures will enable Delhi to become a clean and orderly, which is the need of the hour in view of the fact that the Commonwealth Games should take place in 2010 and thousands of foreign tourists visiting Delhi. There is a need for a complete facelift to the Municipal Solid Waste Management System in the MCD. "
Therefore, the privatization of waste collection and transport (hereinafter, such as privatization) is not only a policy but indicated a major loss of confidence in the ability of the municipality to supply the city with essential services. The decision also indicates the perceived needs a new rapidly changing the Capital City.
This paper unpacks the interaction between the informal sector and the private waste contractors and the impact of privatization in the informal sector in New Delhi. Use the development of privatization in Delhi and global expertise to understand the issue and suggest how waste can be handled in an equitable manner.
Privatization Framing
There have been several ways in which governments around the world have approached the privatization of services. The initial ideas of privatization began in the 1970s and 1980s, with governments like that of Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Ronald Reagan in the U.S.. In this context, privatization came to mean a change in activities or functions of the state to the private sector and the relocation production of goods from the public to the private sector. Governments then started to stop the production of services, but the enactment of laws and framework so that they occur in private.
In this case, privatization has been the "privatization by attrition" as the quality of services observed to be allowed to run down and in urgent need of revival.
In India, privatization of solid waste management has two components, from a municipal perspective. The first is related to the transport of waste and the second at its disposal appropriate, recycling or using waste energy projects.
The privatization of waste management in Delhi is currently limited to the MCD. He has been arrested by officials here as a acceptance of existing municipal systems to function more efficiently. Therefore, contracts for waste collection demand from dhalaos efficient, transport the landfill, and a sound stage of segregation of waste.
Some of the most important clauses in the contract are:
- Rule 5.15: Sale and distribution of recyclable substances
The concessionaire is free to sell or dispose of recyclable substances and other materials Recovered Municipal Solid Waste at such price and to such persons and the use of such marketing and sales methods and strategies it deems appropriate.
- Article 5.19d: Endeavor to improve the ancillary and related infrastructure project, including assistance for the project, including assistance to informal recycling workers
- 5.19l article. Be responsible for all health, safety, environment and issues project's safety at all times during the concession period.
- Article 5.19t: Strive to employ the informal economy collection of municipal solid waste in the concession area to carry out the work of collection and sorting of municipal solid waste under this agreement and applicable law.
- Article 6: Obligations MCD: Provide all assistance to the dealer to use the informal "municipal solid waste collectors, including rag pickers and help the dealer to resolve the issues arising from the redistribution and use of collectors of such waste by the concessionaire
Therefore, the contract states that the MDC is aware of the sector.
In the context of this discussion, the following aspects of the contract must taken into account:
- The private contractor is paid for the waste collected by weight
- Ownership of recyclable waste has been with the company contractor
- Private contractors have the right to manage their own spaces dhalaos with rights to advertise on the walls and fencing discharges do not
- Additional storage space for separate dry waste will be allocated to contractors during the period of eight years of the contract. The contractor It is expected that separate waste gradually over time
Therefore, despite the way it is framed in official discourse, privatization in Delhi is not a direct transfer of a set of government services to the private sector. A new role, according to the evolution of thought, technical experts, and nature changing the city itself, was created for private enterprise. Both the collection and disposal services provided by the government and the services of segregation by the informal sector, were given to the private contractor. Public assets of the floor area and space were delivered as part of the contract.
II. The implementing privatization
In order to implement the process, the IDFC (Infrastructure Development Finance Corporation), was hired to manage the privatization process turnkey. The global offering was taken and searched for deals. There was no detailed discussion or consultation with any other interest groups, except for a first meeting before the drafting of the tender. During this meeting, there was intense opposition from NGOs to the privatization of various charges. These included the construction discourage waste generators to separate, the marginalization of the informal recycling sector and the level of private sector participation. The last point is based on whether the contractor should also be involved in collecting household waste or not. There was no further discussion.
Finally, three companies were selected and their work was scheduled to begin in June 2005.
The most notable among private companies, Delhi Waste Management (DWM) transport is a consortium of companies and financial institutions. What sets it apart is that one side was given what was perceived by competing firms and workers city as the most 'profitable' areas. The others were assigned were less developed areas, or more, and therefore, with the worst infrastructure and less influential residents.
Each contractor to ensure that waste dhalao (an intermediate transfer point, often as a room) was segregated, the dhalao and its surroundings is defined, in 25 feet was clean and the waste collected and transported it to the regular hours to the landfill. Each contractor was given a list of existing dhalaos to facilitate their work.
Prior to this, for over two years, the Government of Delhi began Bhagidari (literal meaning: Association) Half-and high-income residential areas were trained to understand the importance of segregation of waste at the wet and dry categories. This program was well publicized and several hundred residents of the richest parts of Delhi were invited to attend these trainings. This does not seem to have been implemented and that the waste was the containers in a non-segregated, despite a law that made it mandatory for waste generators to separate. The task of the private company which was not affected by Bhagidari system, underlying the lack of exercise. This failure also took home the point that it was unlikely that the residents to separate their waste and external agency should continue to do for them. Traditionally, the informal recycling sector has always separated from the waste and sold it in the chain for reprocessing.
A study of privatized areas out in January 2006, preceded by a discussion with the directors of DWM revealed that the company had subcontracted each small area Players, who acted as suppliers of labor. Part Using this model, each sub-contractors provide a fixed number of workers would be called bin guides. Would be located in a dhalao or deposit, cleaning of containers, waste segregation and helping to load the compactor. Many of them also live in the containers overnight, as they were unable to find affordable homes close to. Few of them were collectors of waste, but some simply bets were paid daily. On average, were paid approx. 1/3rd of the minimum daily wage, or Rs. 1000 and no social security. However, informal workers had access to dry the waste, which was sold to a junkyard and significantly supplemented the income.
This model is only feasible in high-income areas where there were not enough recyclable waste discarded. In poorer areas, the worker was forced to live off the payments and often undertake the responsibility of a group of containers, in order to maximize their income. This resulted in a lower quality of work and poorer working conditions. It was also difficult to apply it in areas where large quantities of organic wastes produced. In South Delhi Dakshin Puri area, waste from the processing of fruit and vegetables was so great that workers were forced to remain outside the dhalaos and distance work.
According to reports from various media, the performance of DWM in waste management has been poor, based on visual quality of cleaning. Other companies have received less armor and none of them is reported as still in the media.
The NDMC is also now preparing to privatize the management of waste in the same line as the MCD.
The initial cost comparisons are only known informally and through discussions with private operators. According to a former official of DWM, the cost per truck to the company only $ 40, which is significantly lower than that of the MCD dollars. NDMC 140 or $ 180 per truck. Improved efficiency and tighter control is likely to be a significant cause of this decline, such as possibly different approaches for calculating the cost, which can hide some of the costs. A recent World Bank reportsuggests that this difference is a phenomenon across India, and that the difference may be in the range of 20-40%. The comparison of the costs of waste collection and transport in 10 cities in India's southern state of Karnataka, the report shows the trend of reducing costs in all areas. However, the Bank suggests that "One of the reasons for the relatively lower costs incurred by the contractor is fixed as salary differential, particularly when private contractors tend to pay lower than minimum wages to their workers health. "The government, moreover, can not fall into these practices and therefore incur more costs higher for the same work done by the same number of workers. Also Social Security pays a lot of them.
The comparison of these results, it is likely that the privatization process is economically viable only at the cost of paying workers less.
III. The Impact on Informal Sector Waste Recycling
According to the former Municipal Commissioner of Delhi, Rakesh Mehta, the design of the privatization was intentionally different from that of other cities where the contract did not start at the gates of generator. Instead, this space was left for casual players, so they can access the waste they wanted. Another reason was also that this was likely to prove too complex for private contractors themselves.
Despite this, a study of the contract with the private contractor's work reveals that the informal sector as is actually performed, not taken into account. Although its role has been recognized by various organizations for more than a decade before privatization finally excludes them. This is likely to be for three reasons. First, the sector has not been well appreciated in the past to warrant their inclusion appropriate. Not on the radar of government agencies. Secondly, the functioning of the sector is poorly understood by those involved in the design process and their inclusion is therefore unlikely to have a good fit, if carried out. Thirdly, the vision of an efficient city with a privatized system does not include other waste landfills or recyclers in the informal sector since they are in contradiction with the idea of the modern and ordered. A former Chairman of the NDMC said the imagined city succinctly when he said: "I want our streets to look like Singapore. "
The following sections analyze the effects of privatization on the different levels of informal sector.
Trash Cans
Many workers are not scavengers, but also to other workers in the informal sector employees. This indicates a shift gradually from the dumps of their work. It also indicates an artificial increase competition for limited resources. By itself, this fall out is clearly undesirable.
But there are several other ways in which mass privatization is breaking the waste collection system.
A recent survey showed that in those places where a service was wastepicker, often to the exclusion of all other garbage. In general, most of the garbage going from one location to another during rush hour along a fixed territorial route is shared by other scavengers. On the other hand, a garbage bear some dhalaos, where the mine waste during thrown in. It is then their monopoly. Find several ways to trash both collaborate and compete through unwritten codes of conduct and community and pressure group. As a result, a complex and changing system of exchange of resources comes into play, resulting in one of the highest recycling rates in the world. This informal system plays therefore, not as the tragedy of the commons, but surprisingly, the opposite of it.
By breaking the existing system and its replacement by the guidelines of the compartment, "Waste is no longer able to be shared among a wide community of the poor. Rather, it is monopolized by an individual. Moreover, by hiring people that are inherently entrepreneurial, the incentive to seek to separate waste and selling are killed, as a new unit is encouraged debilitating. Many of these people are trapped, for rejecting a job paying less may result in loss of employment or a missed opportunity to take advantage of better working conditions.
The poor often use their social capital to overcome difficulties sometimes. Systems as described above is likely to break that social capital as the basis for the break to act as a community and instead, try to create a new "professional" individual outside this system. This considerably weakens the individual and the community which is considered to provide value services where the state / government fails or is unable a.
The previous model is indicative of many problems with this form of privatization. The recruitment system to the lowest bidder has a multiplier effect dhalao, where low wages to workers becomes the only economically viable operation. Outsourcing places priority on cleanliness, but not to the safety standards for workers. By other hand, continues to operate along the same quality of work degraded by permanent waste, exposing workers to the same risks as before.
In some areas, a quid pro quo of the system appears to have been created. A visit to a small elite dhalao Gulmohar Park Delhi Area suggested that the most smaller and more discrete bins located, one can access wastepicker waste in exchange for help with the loading of the compactor. In other parts of Delhi, municipal employees were seen in disposal sites that monitoring of landfill waste being loaded into containers installed for this purpose. A discussion with workers indicated that their role was both clear on that point as well as in transition. Meanwhile, they remain responsible for overseeing the management of waste by the operator private. Given that cleaning the site was linked to effective supervision, officials continue using the linkages of coercion to carry out the task.
The property of space-the dhalaos and containers, has also negatively affected landfills. Previously, they segregate their waste dhalaos these as the only space available for the task. Now, DWM does not allow for what he has removed the only working space "of such persons. The decision to remove public spaces and make those assets available exclusively to a private operator, we just disincentivizes recycling.
A trend DWM recent is starting to do its part in claims of recyclable waste. A clash between black point rightful owners and the owners of customary law is inevitable. Recent experience indicates the documentation that contractors tend to intimidate, abuse, harass and even beat scavengers who try to "enter" newly privatized space to carry out their work. In a recent series of events, dumpsters, which were both involved in waste collection from the door to access the recyclable materials were also banned from entering bins of segregation and even elimination of waste that is depleted of recycling.
It therefore appears that, by not explicitly define the rights and the role of scavengers, and by not clearly identifying them as legitimate players in the process of waste management, they are perceived as a category without rights.
Junk Dealers
In the hierarchy of recycling, waste dealers buy garbage garbage pickers and itinerant buyers, rather than segregate and sell to dealers ahead specialized or directly to reprocessing factories. In this sense, they are dependent on the flow of materials from landfills.
The previous section showed that privatization, and that is taking place in New Delhi has begun to fracture the work of the garbage "and access to recyclable materials. This clearly impacts dealers in the trash too. According to officials of DWM, his own short-term plan is to sell directly to the waste reprocessing plants. In the middle term, they expect recycled.
Unless they start to grow and compete for other, alternative sources of waste, junk dealers are likely to be greatly affected by privatization, since they can not even be engaged, unlike some of the landfills.
Reprocessors
Reprocessors is unlikely to be significantly affected by privatization, since it will receive the bulk of waste requiring. Even the recycling operation will not absorb the entire amount generated. Much of it is probably in aggregate, from a single source, which only marginally more difficult for them to negotiate prices. Within this group, the smaller, semi-legal or "illegal" factories may face greater uncertainty about supplies and sector required to update itself.
It is clear that the current form of privatization is fracturing the informal recycling sector. Waste, which was until now a public good, run by the government as part of their public function, has been transferred to the private sector. There has been no public discussion of a public release of assets in this case. Moreover, with this, the dhalaos, which were similar to those common in public spaces that were occupied on behalf of the public by government agencies, have been privatized and waste contained in the enclosure. The ramifications of this are described in this section already, but also include:
- A decrease in incentives to select low-grade recyclable materials. Once property is removed, garbage and employee no longer feel obliged to mine waste your recyclables to the less lucrative. This gives rise to more recyclable waste reaching the landfill and an increase, not decrease the space needed for landfills in a city. The cost of new landfills is increasing, with an estimated budget requirement of $ 2 billion over the next 10 years.
- One of the concerns associated with recycling rates reduces the problem of sustainable use of resources.
- Currently, landfills are estimated to collect between 15% to 59% of total waste generated in Delhi. These wastes are separated into categories along the chain, before it is accepted by any reprocessor. The schedule set for the private operator, however, require the segregation of 20% only in the 8th year of operation. Before that, even during this period, the operator is paid by the weight to be delivered to the landfill. This creates a disincentive to segregation. Seen in the light of Article 5.15, which gives the operator's rights about recycling, the contract 'creates conflicting interests between the private and wastepicker.
Table 1: Segregation requirements of operators private
Year Months of operation from the relevant reference point penalty segregation COD
for the corresponding month for the corresponding month
(In terms%) (in terms%)
Year January 1 to 12 0 -
Year 2% 13 to 24 May 1915
Year 3 26-36 10 15%
Year 4 37-48 December 1915%
Year 5 49-60 15 15%
Year 7 60-72 18 15%
Year 6 73-84 20 15%
Year 8 onwards onwards 85 20 15%
Source: Contract signed between MCD and private operator, 2005
- Waste recycling, especially at lower levels of the chain, are characterized by low levels of education, earning less than $ 2 a day, and on their own. Recycling is one of the few occupations open to them, where they provide employment and contribute to essential services the city. They usually do not have access to resources that enable them to upward mobility and are particularly vulnerable. A system that does not take into account is likely to increase urban poverty and greater emphasis on recycling. The impact of this can be felt by the whole family, Reduction of income among the poor parents of children requiring to contribute to household income, differentiated priorities for the education of children at play, increase the pressure of work on women, reducing nutrition available, reducing health care costs and differential access within the family to health care, the breakdown of social capital and the consequences it. In turn, violates the goals of the Millennium Development Goals, to which India is also committed
- Waste, which is a mixture of discards can no longer lend themselves to development, social function, it becomes a purely commercial purpose
IV. Global experience
It is useful to examine comparable global experience and to determine to what extent the experiences have been similar. In general, the three regions over which the maximum amount of information available are Africa, East Asia and Latin America.
In Central Africa, unlike Egypt and South Africa, there is little informal recycling activities of waste. This is due to the low level of industrialization, in particular the recycling sector. When there are factories that are capable of reprocessing waste in several countries, leaving little scope and feasibility of other units.
However, in Egypt, privatization led to a loss of livelihood for Zabaleen, or traditional waste handlers. It is estimated that in 1997, the Zabaleen handles a third of the waste of Cairo, which was almost 3000 tonnes. Of this amount, 85% was recycled directly through car ownership and operation of micro-enterprises that were constantly Zabaleen upgraded.Despite this, officials have not wanted to do in its privatization plans as their work was considered unhygienic and new private investors appeared to be a better perspective for Cairo.
When privatization began here in early 2000, including the collection of waste from the doors. The Zabaleen were affected, moreover, that many of they obtained by plastic pellet. The loss of access to plastic waste resulted in an additional loss of income.
Some estimates put the number of job losses at 75,000. After a period of their displacement, and an international campaign, the Zabaleen were able to recover some of the lost ground after taking part in the collection of waste. Researchers have concluded that their inclusion was related to the fact that the contract became impossible without the help of the Zabaleen and skill sets. Moreover, in Egypt, privatization of companies use mechanical means to collect waste, which was impossible in the old town with narrow streets. It was here that the Zabaleen with donkey carts were able to help businesses meet their legal obligations.
Today several, but not all Zabaleen have been able to regain his old job, but they say earn less than before. In addition, local NGOs say that while they were organized, After much negotiating time to work on a more equal footing with traditional middlemen Wahiya previously, have now been rehired as minor same intermediaries. The image is clear, as others say they are now free from Wahiya, which, ironically, they paid more than private companies at present. Private contractors now claim that "our strategy is to use the premises Zabaleen. We want to avoid conflict and this satisfies the social component of our contract. "For their part, have ceased Zable insist that their earnings are not based on payment as well as access to recyclable materials. Companies have therefore made in view wink at the fact that the Zabaleen now also carry the waste and are not employees feature.
In Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania, the momentum of privatization was driven by the bad impression of that country. The privatization of the waste was carried out in collaboration with UN-HABITAT and was considered a resounding success, due a remarkable cleaning. The scale of privatization was unique. Instead of foreign companies, was the local community-based organizations and small local companies were facilitated to provide waste collection services from households. Savings of municipal bodies was used for the construction and maintenance road.
We have no information known about the informal economy sector operations here before this. Based on available information, this type of privatization is notable because it was based on existing structures. After this phase, as the big players entered the scene, the stage may have been altered. In sharp contrast, in Kenya, an Italian company, International Jacorossi, was invited to take over waste management in the midst of widespread protests.
In Accra, Ghana, the researchers point out that privatization has achieved nothing that a revitalized private sector could not have done, having served for the country's laws and enforced existing regulation. Instead, the authors note, the privatization effort is "structured to benefit private interests, to exclude the public".
In Columbia, local initiatives have paid off. The results of organized waste recyclers are already visible. Nationwide, 10,000 families have 118 wastepicker formed cooperatives allowing them to bring more than 300,000 tons of recycled materials in the market. The strength of the groups are in their ability to bind under the National Association of Recyclers, which helps aa strengthen its business activities through capacity building and credit. They also offer services waste management to various institutions. Although privatization has been a challenge for the sector, have been able to bargain for the niche job as delivery rates based services. More recently, in 2003, under Decree 1713, part 1505, landfills have been included and their rights to participate in waste management plans solids in the development and monitoring of the stages has been made official. n Argentina, Zero Waste a decree which requires private waste handlers to provide facilities for the informal sector to separate and store recyclable waste. In this case, the sector has not consciously wastepicking pushed for a strict application of the rule, and many of them see themselves at work only temporarily, due to financial difficulties.
A common experience in several countries has been that formal sector workers organizing against privatization, fearing job losses. From Singapore to Pakistan, reports show that workers are able to shake to negotiate with the government to keep their jobs, often even giving a scare to delay privatization. In Singapore, one of the ways suggested to face the consequences was the creation of a fund for displaced workers. In Pakistan, workers were forced to take to the streets. From this, it is clear that formal sector workers already in the formal sector, are able to organize to protest more effectively. It is therefore essential that the informal sector will also be organized.
Based on these experiences, it is clear that:
- waste recycling should be organized so they can negotiate in the case of privatization
- Access to waste is a critical part of any work of waste for recycling. Being employed is more than half a desired end
- When informal sector activity is already very low, the impact of privatization will not be easy to discern
V. Conclusions and Recommendations
The analysis in the previous sections shows that it is economically and socially desirable to include the informal recycling sector in any management initiative waste. The errors, experiences and studies detailed above shed light on possible ways in which this can be done.
This author believes that privatization waste is inevitable in the developing world, due to the trust imperative that politicians and multilateral donors worldwide have in this way. As cities become more global and require you to compete for visibility, funds, investments, experience and drawing on economic prosperity, many more planners City and policy makers will be under pressure to take this path seems the least resistance. Much of the public and the media sees privatization as a good step and has created a demand for this market is driven by services.
In several cases, privatization has come to mean the right to exclude others. Proponents of this argue that if this is not the case, the tragedy of common occurrence, we have seen that the opposite is true in the case of Delhi. The fenced-off of common resources and transfer of public property into private hands is indicative of bad policy. The informal sector waste recycling is also a private actor, which provides important environmental services to the city. It is therefore important to see your work as operating in the private sector and, therefore, follow the same policies to promote it.
In this context, privatization should be reconsidered in fundamental ways. It should not be seen as a solution to a dirty city, or formula exclusively in the private sector. Rather, it should be regarded as one of many possible solutions to specific aspects of waste management cycle. One important aspect is the development of disposal facilities, a section not described in this document, but that requires large investments and expertise.
Nor should privatization be privileged over other indigenous forms of waste management and recycling waste are through the informal sector or innovations community-based. Instead it should be clearly accepted that full privatization will lead to results commodified more asymmetric. It should be clear that the informal recycling sector is also the provision of private services to the city and should be considered as such.
A fundamental change in understanding should inform policy on privatization. At present, waste management companies in privatization processes tend to be very responsible in the field quantitative, as the amount of waste collected, the response time to complaints and efficiency of the fleet. However, in a developing country, in which almost 1% cities of the population depends on waste recycling to make a living, this should be dovetailed into all practices. As explained above, the sector is based on a complex system of cooperation and competition, not yet fully understood and that seems to be constantly evolving. Therefore, instead of trying to de-construct this sector is more practical to follow guidelines that may encourage development and encourage their participation in the process, rather than alienate.
Clearly, then, social efficiency of privatization should be considered as well. If you do not break the social fabric, especially among the poor and most vulnerable, causing losses irreparable social capital and their greater vulnerability, and at least in theory, increasing the burden on the government. This is the most important lesson learned from India and international experience of privatization of waste services.
Some of the recommendations arising from this conclusion are described below:
- The central location of the conflict is the ownership of the recyclable or dry debris. In both the cases of India and the international jurisprudence Egypt, it is clear that access to waste not, payment for work in the place, remains critical for the landfill. Therefore, all contracts must necessarily include a clause specifying that the right-recyclable waste is part of the first landfills. Access to waste for landfill is the backbone of any policy of waste in India
- Global experiences show that privatization should not begin even at the dhalao, and must be restricted to transportation. The Tenders must be for transport and dumping, and not before that. A lesson to be learned from the decision of the MCD not to enter homes for privatization. This is an example to follow.
- Some work in the garbage dumps. Although this is an unsafe work, privatization should include your rights to the waste arrives here. In the medium term, the scavengers and their organizations should consider other ways to win safer through recycling activities
- Any plan for solid waste management in India must necessarily be informed by an understanding and appreciation of the informal recycling sector. This involves the design systems that can strengthen an existing system and ride it. In this case, the offer should have included a section on the inclusion of the sector and allow bidders that suggest how you want to do this, after helping to understand the issue. Understanding the industry has become a part of the bidding process as well as several other aspects are explained and clarified. It is key to moving out of the tenderers, without understanding their own
- The informal sector should be treated as a string good point, and one that should not be fragmented, if the city is to reap the benefits. Therefore, the chain must not be altered or modified to become "modern" except where the use of new technologies or new consensual design can offer, but not imposed. The case of Egypt, where the plastic is recycled by Zabaleen is an example.
- In order to participate profitably in a changing city, waste recycling businesses should be organized as a tangible entity, legal can enter into contracts and negotiations on behalf of its members. It is often difficult for politicians to find ways of including a sector that exists across individual or family business, but without any kind of collective organization and is defined in fact, is beyond the imagination of structures defined for working with these
- Following the example of existing policies in Colombia, recyclers and organizations should be recognized and have the privilege through the cycle waste treatment. Studies have shown that enable the sector to work legitimately a significant impact on poverty levels and improve their working conditions.
- A commonly observed trend in the waste management community is that the level of local resources such as volunteer time, sending the lives of recyclers waste and more detailed network, the creation of types of security technology for the workers the urban context. Instead of replacing, privatization should leave it and not try to mess with them for their homogeneity. A study of Churchill County, in the United States, estimated that the privatization of waste management 279 may result in fewer jobs, reduced household income of $ 36,171,000 County, 14,735 hours of volunteer time and $ 85,233 in charitable donations. These costs are not counted only in the developed world. It is likely even higher in the developing world and should be left undisturbed
- The MDGs (Millennium Development Goals) that should be incorporated in waste management because of the opportunity offered in the fight against poverty through micro- individual companies and demonstrated low capital and operating costs.
If there will be privatization of services solid waste management, must be designed to be equitable for all. It can provide answers to urban poverty and the increase in urban environmental problems we face. If those responsible for urban policy is to use this for the optimum benefit of a city, then privatization should be seen as a means for the urban poor are not disabling. This requires a paradigm shift and visionary leadership, but there are examples from rudimentary to build.
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About the Author
Research Associate
Madras School of Economics
Chennai
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